Jump to content

Recommended Posts

  • VGS Admin
Posted (edited)

 

Quote

 

RULES OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE

proposed by the Majority Party

I. APPOINTMENT OF A SENATOR TO THE CHAIR.

1. In the absence of the Vice President the Senate Majority conference shall choose a President pro tempore, who shall hold the office and execute the duties thereof during the pleasure of the Senate and until another is elected or his term of office as a Senator expires.

2. In the absence of the Vice President, and pending the election of a President pro tempore, the Acting President pro tempore or the Secretary of the Senate, or in his absence the Assistance Secretary, shall perform the duties of the Chair. 

3. The President pro tempore shall have the right to name in open Senate or, if absent, in writing, a Senator to perform the duties of the Chair, including the signing of duly enrolled bills and joint resolutions but such substitution shall not extend beyond an adjournment, except by unanimous consent; and the Senator so named shall have the right to name in open session, or, if absent, in writing, a Senator to perform the duties of the Chair, but not to extend beyond an adjournment, except by unanimous consent. 

II. SUSPENSION AND AMENDMENT OF THE RULES.

1. Any motions to suspend the rules must pass the Senate with a supermajority.

2. The rules of the Senate shall continue from one Congress to the next Congress unless they are changed as provided in these rules.

III. QUORUM.

1. A quorum shall consist of a majority of the Senators duly chosen and sworn. 

2. No Senator shall absent himself from the service of the Senate without leave.

3. If, at any time during the daily sessions of the Senate, a question shall be raised by any Senator as to the presence of a quorum, the Presiding Officer shall forthwith direct the Secretary to call the roll and shall announce the result, and these proceedings shall be without debate.

4. Whenever upon such roll call it shall be ascertained that a quorum is not present a majority of the Senators present may direct the Sergeant at Arms to request, and, when necessary, to compel the attendance of the absent Senators, which order shall be determined without debate; and pending its execution, and until a quorum shall be present, no debate nor motion, except to adjourn, or to recess pursuant to a previous order entered by unanimous consent, shall be in order.

IV. THE CALENDAR AND DOCKETING PROCEDURES.

a. Senate Legislative Calendar. The Senate shall maintain an official Legislative Calendar to organize and schedule the consideration of bills, resolutions, nominations, treaties, and other matters requiring Senate action. The Calendar is divided into sections, including but not limited to:

1. Calendar of General Orders: Lists all measures reported from committees or placed on the calendar by unanimous consent.

2. Executive Calendar: Contains nominations and treaties submitted by the President requiring Senator confirmation or ratification.

3. Calendar of Special Orders: Includes items designated as special orders of business for consideration at specific times.

b. Referral to the Calendar. Measures may be placed directly on the Calendar by unanimous consent or by discharge from committee. 

c. Calendar Numbering. Each item placed on the Calendar shall be assigned a unique calendar number for reference purposes. Items are listed in the order in which they are placed on the Calendar unless otherwise specified by the Majority Leader.

d. Docket.

1. Authority to Docket Bills. The Majority Leader holds the authority to prioritize legislation by placing bills or resolutions on the Docket, a subsection of the Calendar of General Orders designated for prioritized consideration. 

2. Limitation on Docketed Items. The Majority Leader may designate no more than three (3) bills or resolutions at any given time as Docketed Items, and may not have more than nine (9) on the Calendar being considered at once. This limitation ensures focused consideration and prevents overloading the Senate's schedule. 

3. Designation Process. To place a bill or resolution on the Docket, the Majority Leader shall submit a written notice to the Presiding Officer specifying the item to be docketed. The Presiding Officer shall, according to the Calendar, place the bill or resolution on the floor of the Senate.

4. Removal from the Docket. A Docketed Item remains on the Docket until:

A. It is considered and disposed of by the Senate.

B. The Majority Leader submits a written notice to remove it.

C. It is displaced due to the docketing of a new item when the docket limit has been reached.

5. Replacing Docketed Items. When the Docket is full, the Majority Leader may replace a Docketed Item by removing an existing one and adding a new item, adhering to the nine (9) item limit on the Calendar. Notification of such changes must be provided in writing to the President pro tempore and the Senate.

e. Transparency. The Calendar shall reflect current Docketed Items, ensuring all Senators are informed of prioritized legislation. 

f. Consideration of Docketed Items.

1. Priority Scheduling. Docketed Items receive scheduling priority for floor consideration, debate, and voting. The Presiding Officer, in consultation with the Majority Leader, shall call up Docketed Items for consideration in the order designated unless otherwise ordered by the Senate.

2. Debate and Amendments.

A. Debate on Docketed Items proceeds according to standard Senate rules unless modified by unanimous consent or a special order.

B. Amendments to Docketed Items are permitted following normal procedures, maintaining the rights of all Senators.

3. Rights of Other Senators. 

A. While the Majority Leader controls the Docket, any Senator may move to suspend the rules and proceed to the consideration of items on the Calendar not on the Docket. Motions to suspend the rules and consider require a two-thirds majority vote unless otherwise specified.

g. Calendar Call and Management. 

1. Periodic Calendar Call. The Presiding Officer shall, at designated times, conduct a Calendar Call to inform the Senate of pending items. Senators may request unanimous consent to bring up items from the Calendar during this time.

2. Special Orders. 

A. Any subject may, by a vote of two-thirds of the Senators present, be made a special order of business for consideration and when the time so fixed for its consideration arrives the Presiding Officer shall lay it before the Senate, unless there be unfinished business in which case it takes its place on the Calendar of Special Orders in the order of time at which it was made special, to be considered in that order when there is no unfinished business.

B. All motions to change such order, or to proceed to the consideration of other business, shall be decided without debate.

3. Unfinished Business. Unfinished business retains its place on the Calendar and is considered before new items unless reordered by the Senate.

h. Emergency Docketing. In cases of national emergency or urgent necessity, the Majority Leader, after consulting with the Minority Leader, may request unanimous consent to exceed the docket limit for specific legislation. If unanimous consent is not obtained, the Senate may approve the request by a majority of Senators present.

i. Suspension of Limitations. The Senate, by a two-thirds vote of Senators present, may suspend the docket limitations to address pressing matters.

j. Enforcement and Points of Order. 

1. Points of Order.

A. Any Senator may raise a point of order if they believe the docketing procedures or calendar rules are not being followed.

B. Points of order shall be decided promptly by the Presiding Officer, subject to appeal to the Senate.

2. Appeals. Decisions of the President Officer regarding the Calendar and Docket may be appealed and decided by a majority vote of Senators present.

V. AMENDMENTS AND MOTIONS

a. Submission and Consideration of Amendments.

1. Specific Motions. 

A. An amendment, and any instruction accompanying a motion to recommit, shall be motioned and read before being debated or voted on.

B. Any motion, amendment, or resolution may be withdrawn or modified by the mover at any time before a decision, amendment, or ordering of the yeas and nays. 

C. A motion to reconsider shall not be withdrawn without permission from the Senate.

2. Division of Questions. If the question in debate contains several propositions, any Senator may have the same divided for separate votes.

b. The Amendment Tree. 

1. Maximum Number of Amendments. At any given time, there shall not be more than 9 amendments being voted on at once.

2. Filling the Amendment Tree. Senators may provide amendments, with the Majority Leader having priority recognition, then the Minority Leader, and then other Senators. Once the amendment tree is filled, no further amendments are in order until pending amendments are disposed of. Amendments proposed while the amendment tree is filled shall not be recognized by the Presiding Officer even if the amendment is duly seconded. Senators retain the right to debate pending amendments but may limited in offering new amendments until pending ones are resolved. 

3. Increasing the Maximum Number of Amendments. The Majority Leader may, in consultation with the Minority Leader, increase the maximum number of amendments.

4. Division by the Chair. The Presiding Officer may divide an amendment containing several propositions upon the request of a Senator, provided that each division embodies a distinct principle or proposition. 

5. Challenging Amendments. A Senator may raise a point of order against an amendment believed to violate Senate rules, in which the Presiding Officer rules on the point of order, subject to appeal to the full Senate.

VI. RECONSIDERATION.

a. When a question has been decided by the Senate, any Senator voting with the prevailing side or who has not voted may, within 24 hours, move a reconsideration; and if the Senate shall refuse to reconsider such a motion entered, or if such a motion is withdrawn by leave of the Senate, or if upon reconsideration the Senate shall affirm its first decision, no further motion to reconsider shall be in order unless by unanimous consent. Every motion to reconsider shall be decided by a majority vote, and may be laid on the table without affecting the question in reference to which the same is made, which shall be a final disposition of the motion.

b. When a bill, resolution, report, amendment, order, or message, upon which a vote has been taken, shall have gone out of the possession of the Senate and been communicated to the House of Representatives, the motion to reconsider shall be accompanied by a motion to request the House to return the same; which last motion shall be acted upon immediately, and without debate, and if determined in the negative shall be a final disposition of the motion to reconsider.

VII. RULES OF DEBATE.

a. Recognition to Speak. Senators shall address all remarks to the Presiding Officer and avoid direct confrontation or personal attacks against other senators.

b. Filibuster. A filibuster may be initiated by any senator wishing to delay a vote by continuing debate. To maintain the filibuster, the senator must post 250 words every four (4) hours. If no post is made within that time frame, the filibuster ends, and the Senate will proceed to with business. Senate business stops when a filibuster begins. 

c. Cloture Motion. A motion for Cloture (to end debate) requires the support of three-fifths (60%) of senators present. Once Cloture is invoked, debate is limited to thirty (30) minutes, after which the Senate will proceed to a vote.

d. Whip Enforcement. Both the Senate Majority Leader and Senate Minority Leader may issue a Whip Card up to three times per session against any senator who violates a party whip. A senator receiving a Whip Card will see their influence reduced, with their role limited solely to casting their vote for the remainder of the session in which the Whip Card is applied.

e. Decorum in Debate. All remarks during debate must maintain civility and respect. The Presiding Officer may call any senator to order for violating decorum, and persistent offenders may be subject to sanctions or removal from the session.

VIII. VOTING PROCEDURE.

a. Types of Votes. The Senate shall vote using one of the following methods:

1. Voice Vote: Senators verbally express "Aye" or "Nay" or "Present" to indicate their position.

2. Roll Call Vote: Each senator’s name is called, and their vote is individually recorded.

3. Unanimous Consent: If no senator objects to a motion, it may be approved without a formal vote.

b. Majority Vote: Most legislation requires a simple majority (50% +1) of senators present and voting to pass.

c. Supermajority Vote: Matters such as overriding a presidential veto, approving constitutional amendments, or a motion suspending the rules require a two-thirds (67%) majority.

IX. SESSION WITH CLOSED DOORS.

a. On a motion made and seconded to close the doors of the Senate, on the discussion of any business which may, in the opinion of a Senator, require secrecy, the Presiding Officer shall direct the galleries to be cleared; and during the discussion of such motion the doors shall remain closed.

b. When the Senate meets in closed session, confidentiality of information shall apply to any information and to the conduct of any debate transacted.

X. PRECEDENCE OF MOTIONS.

a. When a question is pending, no motion shall be received but

1. To adjourn.

2. To adjourn to a day certain, or that when the Senate adjourn it shall be to a day certain.

3. To take a recess.

4. To proceed to the consideration of executive business.

5. To lay on the table.

6. To postpone indefinitely.

7. To postpone to a day certain.

8. To commit.

9. To amend.

Which several motions shall have precedence as they stand arranged; and the motions relating to adjournment, to take a recess, to proceed to the consideration of executive business, to lay on the table, shall be decided without debate.

XI. COMMITTEES.

a. Establishment of Committees. The Majority Leader may create additional committees temporarily or long-term at his prerogative. The Senate may, by a motion, establish a committee. 

b. Conference Committee. When the Senate has passed legislation that later passes the House in different form and vice versa, the Senate Majority Leader, the Senate Minority Leader representing the Senate, and the Party Chairmen representing the House come together in conference committee to pass legislation. The finalized legislation is then subject to a 24 hour simple majority vote simultaneously in both chambers. The {Congressional Administrator} presides over Conference Committee.

c. Committee Procedures.

 

1. Committee Structure: Senators may be assigned to committees focused on specific policy areas (e.g., finance, judiciary). Each committee shall be chaired by a senator, who will manage the committee’s business, including bill hearings and amendments. Committees are initiated by the Senate Majority Leader. There shall be a total of two majority party Senators and one minority party Senators to compose any committee of the Senate.

2. Committee Hearings: Committees may convene hearings to discuss proposed legislation. Senators may invite expert testimony and debate the merits of the bill. Hearings can be initiated by the Senate Majority Leader. 

XII. FINAL PASSAGE OF BILLS. 

a. Final Vote: Once all debate and amendments are concluded, the Senate shall proceed to a final vote on the bill. A simple majority is required for the bill to pass unless a higher threshold is required (e.g., constitutional amendments).

b. Reconsideration of Votes: A senator who voted with the prevailing side on any issue may move to reconsider the vote. The motion to reconsider requires a simple majority to pass.

 

XIII. AMENDING THE RULES.

These standing rules may be amended by a simple majority vote of the Senate. Proposed amendments must be submitted in writing and debated before a vote.

 

 

 

The Chair is given to Senator Elizabeth Hunt to begin debate. @Elizabeth Hunt R-AL

Edited by Brink

 B A U D I N

Congressional and Legislative Administrator

Posted

Madam President,

Glad to see you in the chair. The session of the new Congress starts now and there’s a lot of work that must be done. With that, I move to end debate on these rules so that we can get to the work of the people. 

I yield 

Danielle J. Bu
Vice President of the United States
Republican from Pennsylvania

Posted
2 hours ago, Jack said:

Madam President,

Glad to see you in the chair. The session of the new Congress starts now and there’s a lot of work that must be done. With that, I move to end debate on these rules so that we can get to the work of the people. 

I yield 

Vinachelli: Second.

Goldie (I-NH), Chief of Vox Libertatis "Choose Freedom"

Vini Vinachelli (R-NJ), Chair of Main Street | VR | Press "Pater, Filius et Spiritus Sanctus"

Posted (edited)

Point of order Mr. Vice President can we have the vote tally on O'Hare 1 before preceding to a vote on cloture. @Baudin

Edited by Blake
  • Like 1

D7GmvKE.png

 

DNC Chair: Q1 2025-Present

Join the conversation

You can post now and register later. If you have an account, sign in now to post with your account.

Guest
Reply to this topic...

×   Pasted as rich text.   Paste as plain text instead

  Only 75 emoji are allowed.

×   Your link has been automatically embedded.   Display as a link instead

×   Your previous content has been restored.   Clear editor

×   You cannot paste images directly. Upload or insert images from URL.


  • Latest VGS News

    • Joe Rogan Experience #2488: "Hamas, Gaza, and the Ethics of War"   Guest: Norman Finkelstein [Opening Jingle Plays] Joe Rogan: "What's up, freaks? Welcome to the Joe Rogan Experience. Today’s episode is brought to you by Athletic Greens—get all your greens in one scoop—and by Onnit, keeping your body and mind optimized. Go to Onnit.com/JRE for 10% off everything from kettlebells to brain supplements. Alright, folks, today's gonna be... something. We’ve got a guest who’s not afraid to go where most won’t—Norman Finkelstein. Norman is an author, political scientist, and a guy who has been pissing people off for decades with his takes on Israel, Palestine, and U.S. foreign policy. Some of you will agree with him, some of you will be furious, and that’s the beauty of this show. Let’s dive in. Norman, welcome to the podcast." Norman Finkelstein: "Thank you for having me, Joe. I appreciate the opportunity to discuss such a critical issue." Segment 1: The Gaza Offensive Joe Rogan: "Let’s just jump right into it. Right now, Israel’s about to launch what they’re calling their final offensive in Gaza. They’re saying this is going to ‘end Hamas for good.’ What’s your take?" Norman Finkelstein: "Well, Joe, it’s complicated. Hamas, for all its flaws—and let’s not sugarcoat it, there are many—is both a militant group and, for many Palestinians, a symbol of resistance. Israel’s strategy, on the other hand, is essentially scorched earth. They aim to obliterate Hamas, but the human cost will be catastrophic. The question we have to ask is, does this level of destruction, including the deaths of thousands of civilians, justify the goal?" Joe Rogan: "Yeah, but isn’t that kind of the nature of war? I mean, Israel’s dealing with a group that hides behind civilians, fires rockets, and uses human shields. What are they supposed to do?" Norman Finkelstein: "They have every right to defend themselves. That’s not the issue. The issue is proportionality. International law makes it clear: you can defend yourself, but not at the cost of wholesale slaughter. What’s happening now isn’t just defense; it’s punitive, and the ordinary people of Gaza are paying the price." Segment 2: Ethics of War Joe Rogan: "You mentioned proportionality. I want to ask—where do you draw the line? If you’re Israel and you’re dealing with an enemy that’s literally in the middle of civilians, do you just let them keep attacking you?" Norman Finkelstein: "War is never clean, but the principles of proportionality and distinction exist for a reason. You target combatants, not schools, not hospitals. The argument that Hamas hides among civilians doesn’t absolve Israel of its responsibility to minimize civilian casualties. What we’re seeing isn’t just ‘collateral damage.’ It’s collective punishment." Joe Rogan: "But, Norman, let me push back. You’re sitting here, safe in New York or wherever. If your kids were living under the threat of rockets, wouldn’t you want your government to do whatever it takes?" Norman Finkelstein: "Of course. But if my government was bombing entire neighborhoods, killing thousands of kids to stop those rockets, I’d have to ask, ‘Is this really keeping us safe, or is it sowing the seeds for more violence down the road?’ That’s the moral dilemma Israel refuses to face." Segment 3: Hamas as a Governing Entity Joe Rogan: "Let’s talk about Hamas. They’re not just a terror group; they run Gaza. So how do you deal with an enemy that’s also the government?" Norman Finkelstein: "It’s tricky, no doubt. Hamas has two faces: the militants and the administrators. Their governance is riddled with corruption and authoritarianism, but for many in Gaza, they’re also the only ones standing up to Israel. They’re flawed, but their appeal lies in their resistance to occupation. You can bomb them into the Stone Age, but you can’t bomb the idea of resistance out of the Palestinian people." Joe Rogan: "Yeah, but resistance through violence... doesn’t that just perpetuate the cycle?" Norman Finkelstein: "It does, which is why the international community has to step in. But let’s not forget: Hamas exists in part because the political process was crushed. When you close every door to peaceful solutions, what do you expect people to do? Roll over?" Segment 4: U.S. Involvement and Media Narratives Joe Rogan: "Okay, let’s bring it home. The U.S. backs Israel with billions of dollars. Does that make us complicit in what’s happening?" Norman Finkelstein: "Absolutely. Every bomb dropped on Gaza has ‘Made in the USA’ written on it. We fund this war, we arm it, and we shield Israel diplomatically. The bloodshed isn’t happening in a vacuum; it’s happening with our tacit approval." Joe Rogan: "But, to play devil’s advocate, isn’t that part of our alliance? Israel’s our closest ally in the region, right?" Norman Finkelstein: "An ally doesn’t mean a blank check. The U.S. has leverage, and we could use it to push for peace. Instead, we enable actions that violate basic human rights and destabilize the region further." Segment 5: The Human Cost Joe Rogan: "Let’s talk about the people. Civilians are getting caught in the crossfire—kids, families. How do you even begin to stop that?" Norman Finkelstein: "By demanding accountability. Israel has a responsibility to avoid targeting civilians, and Hamas has a responsibility not to use them as shields. But let’s be clear: Gaza is an open-air prison. People have nowhere to go. When bombs start falling, they’re sitting ducks." Joe Rogan: "Yeah, I can’t even imagine living like that. But doesn’t that mean Hamas is failing its own people too?" Norman Finkelstein: "Undoubtedly. Hamas’s tactics put civilians at risk. But their failures don’t absolve Israel or the U.S. of responsibility. When you have overwhelming power, you bear the greater moral burden." Closing Thoughts Joe Rogan: "Man, this is heavy stuff. Norman, I’ve gotta say, whether people agree with you or not, you’ve given us a lot to think about. What’s the takeaway here?" Norman Finkelstein: "The takeaway is simple: war dehumanizes us all. If we don’t start holding everyone accountable—Hamas, Israel, the U.S., everyone—then this cycle of violence will never end." Joe Rogan: "Alright, Norman Finkelstein, everybody. Thanks for coming on, man. This was intense but important." Norman Finkelstein: "Thank you, Joe. I appreciate the platform."
    • The Rest is History Podcast: "The End of Hamas?" [Intro Music Plays] Host 1 (Tom Holland): Hello and welcome to The Rest is History, where we dig into the past to understand today’s most pressing headlines. I’m Tom Holland. Host 2 (Dominic Sandbrook): And I’m Dominic Sandbrook. Today, we’re turning our attention to the Middle East, where Israel is preparing what it calls its “final offensive” in Gaza. Hamas, the militant group that has controlled Gaza since 2007, is reportedly on the brink of collapse. Tom, this is a moment charged with historical weight, isn’t it? Tom: It absolutely is, Dominic. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often seen as one of the defining geopolitical struggles of the modern era, with roots that stretch back to biblical times. But today, we’re going to focus on a more contemporary lens—how past military offensives and peace efforts have shaped the current moment, and what history tells us about the likelihood of Israel truly eradicating Hamas. Dominic: We’ve heard this rhetoric before, haven’t we? “The final battle,” “permanent resolution,” these are phrases that have been used countless times. In 2009, during Operation Cast Lead, and again in 2014 with Operation Protective Edge, Israel launched major offensives in Gaza with similar goals—weakening Hamas and restoring security. Yet, here we are again. Segment 1: Historical Context Tom: Let’s start with some context. Hamas emerged in the late 1980s during the First Intifada, or Palestinian uprising. It was initially supported by Israel as a counterweight to the secular Fatah movement. Yes, Dominic, that’s one of history’s little ironies. Dominic (chuckling): Indeed, Tom. It’s a classic case of unintended consequences. Israel thought that by backing an Islamist movement, they could undermine the influence of Yasser Arafat and his Palestinian Liberation Organization. Instead, they helped create a far more radical and uncompromising adversary. Tom: Hamas quickly gained popularity, particularly in Gaza, through a mix of militant resistance to Israel and social services for Palestinians. By the time they won the 2006 elections and took full control of Gaza in 2007, Hamas had become the de facto government in the territory. Dominic: And that’s when the cycle of conflict we know today really began. Israel imposed a blockade on Gaza, and Hamas responded with rocket fire. This led to the kind of asymmetric warfare that has characterized the conflict ever since—Israel with its military might and Hamas using guerilla tactics and human shields. Segment 2: The Military Dimension Dominic: Now, let’s talk about Israel’s strategy. Tom, do you think this “final offensive” can truly end Hamas’s presence in Gaza? Tom: History would suggest otherwise, Dominic. Decapitating a militant group like Hamas—removing its leadership and infrastructure—is one thing. But eradicating its ideology, its support base, is an entirely different challenge. Take the examples of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka or the IRA in Northern Ireland. Both were eventually defeated militarily, but their causes lived on in various forms. Dominic: It’s also worth noting that Hamas is deeply embedded in Gaza’s society. They’re not just fighters; they run schools, hospitals, and charities. This gives them a level of legitimacy and support that’s hard to dismantle with bombs and bullets. Tom: Exactly. And even if Hamas is militarily defeated, other groups like Palestinian Islamic Jihad could step into the vacuum. Or worse, the power vacuum could lead to total chaos, as we’ve seen in Libya or post-Saddam Iraq. Segment 3: The Humanitarian and International Implications Dominic: Of course, the humanitarian toll of this offensive cannot be ignored. Gaza is one of the most densely populated areas in the world, and every military strike risks civilian casualties. Historically, how has this shaped international opinion? Tom: Well, Dominic, Israel has always walked a tightrope in terms of global perception. On one hand, its right to defend itself against rocket attacks is widely acknowledged. On the other, images of civilian suffering often turn public opinion against it. This has been a recurring theme since at least the 1982 Lebanon War. Dominic: And what about the role of external powers? The U.S. has historically been Israel’s staunchest ally, but in recent years we’ve seen a more complex dynamic. Presidents Biden, Allred, and Van Horn’s administration have generally been supportive but have also emphasized the need for restraint. Tom: Yes, and then there’s the elephant in the room: the Arab world. While many Arab states have normalized relations with Israel in recent years, their populations remain deeply sympathetic to the Palestinian cause. A prolonged or especially bloody offensive could strain these new alliances. Segment 4: What Comes Next? Dominic: So, Tom, what does history tell us about the likely aftermath of this offensive? Tom: If we look at past Israeli operations, we can expect a few things. First, Hamas will likely survive in some form, even if only as a shadow of its former self. Second, there will be calls for reconstruction in Gaza, with international donors stepping in to rebuild what was destroyed. And third, we’re likely to see renewed calls for a two-state solution, even if that seems as elusive as ever. Dominic: And let’s not forget the long-term psychological toll. For every militant killed, there’s the risk of creating new generations of resentment and hostility. As one Israeli general once put it, “You can’t bomb an ideology.” Closing Thoughts Tom: Dominic, it’s clear that while this offensive may mark a turning point, it’s unlikely to be the end of the story. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has defied resolution for decades, and this chapter, like so many before it, will likely leave a legacy of both hope and heartbreak. Dominic: Absolutely, Tom. As historians, we can only hope that future generations will look back on this moment not as another missed opportunity, but as a step toward lasting peace. Tom: And on that cautiously optimistic note, thank you for joining us on The Rest is History. If you enjoyed this episode, don’t forget to subscribe and leave us a review. We’ll see you next time. [Outro Music Plays]
    • IDF Prepares Final Gaza Offensive, Aiming to End Hamas Rule The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are mobilizing for what Israeli officials are calling a “final offensive” to dismantle Hamas's control of Gaza. Following years of relentless conflict and the devastating toll of Hamas's actions on both Israeli and Palestinian civilians, this operation is being positioned as the decisive effort to ensure long-term peace and security for Israel and its people. A Strategic Operation According to sources close to Israeli Prime Minister Benny Gantz, the offensive will focus on targeting the remaining Hamas strongholds and dismantling the group’s infrastructure. Israeli intelligence estimates that Hamas has approximately 16,000 fighters left in Gaza, with 3,500 classified as “elite” troops. However, recent IDF operations have depleted Hamas’s resources, leaving the group disorganized and leaderless. The death of Mohammed Sinwar, brother of top Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, at the hands of Israeli special forces, has further disrupted Hamas's leadership structure. Israeli officials believe that without organized leadership, Hamas’s forces will be unable to sustain prolonged resistance. “This is not just about defeating a terrorist organization; this is about ensuring that Hamas never again poses a threat to the people of Israel or the broader region,” an Israeli defense official told Fox News on condition of anonymity. Swift and Decisive Action The final assault is expected to unfold rapidly, with military experts predicting that Israel’s overwhelming firepower and precise targeting will bring the operation to a close within days. “The IDF has honed its tactics over years of counterterrorism operations,” said Colonel Avi Rabinovich, a retired Israeli military strategist. “This operation is designed to permanently eliminate Hamas’s ability to wage war.” Israel’s approach is rooted in its determination to protect its citizens from the constant threat of rocket attacks and terror operations orchestrated by Hamas. The group’s indiscriminate attacks have killed and injured countless Israelis, while its mismanagement and corruption have left Gaza’s civilian population in dire conditions. Humanitarian Concerns Despite Israel’s efforts to minimize civilian casualties through targeted strikes and warnings, the humanitarian impact on Gaza remains a significant concern. Hamas’s strategy of embedding its fighters and infrastructure within civilian areas has exacerbated the risk to non-combatants. United States Senator John Carlson (D-MN) wrote on social media: "I support the eradication of Hamas.  But so far, the ordinary people of Gaza have suffered a horrific ordeal from Israel's military actions there.  What is being done to protect children, for example?  How many more will die in this latest offensive?" Israeli officials have reiterated that their fight is with Hamas, not the people of Gaza. “We are doing everything possible to protect innocent lives while achieving our military objectives,” said a spokesperson for the IDF. Global Reactions The international community has been closely monitoring the escalating situation. While the United States and other allies have expressed support for Israel’s right to self-defense, some humanitarian organizations have called for restraint. Israeli Prime Minister Benny Gantz has emphasized that this operation is necessary for lasting peace in the region. “Hamas has brought nothing but destruction to Gaza and terror to Israel. We owe it to our people—and to the future of Gaza—to end this cycle of violence,” Gantz said in a statement. Looking Ahead The anticipated success of this offensive could mark the end of Hamas’s reign in Gaza and open the door to new possibilities for the region. Israeli leaders have signaled a willingness to work with international partners to stabilize Gaza and provide humanitarian aid once the fighting ends. While the path forward remains uncertain, one thing is clear: Israel is determined to ensure that Hamas never again threatens its sovereignty or the safety of its people. As the IDF prepares to take decisive action, the world watches to see whether this operation will bring an end to years of bloodshed and pave the way for a more stable future.   ((Players mentioned: @Indie Voter))
  • Upcoming Events

  • Recent Achievements

    • Indie Voter went up a rank
      Adept
    • DMH went up a rank
      Specialist
    • Brink earned a badge
      Harmonix Winner

×
×
  • Create New...